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European Union And Challenges Of Africa’s Development: A Critical Appraisal, 1999-2010
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1.3 Objectives of the Study
The
broad objective of this study is to critically appraise the EU and
development in Africa. Specifically, this study has the following
objectives:
To ascertain if the increasing rate of EU-Africa relations has increased the volume of trade between EU and Africa.
To
ascertain if the increasing rate of EU-Africa relations has increased
the volume of foreign direct investment from EU states to Africa.
1.4 Significance of the Study
The
study has both practical and theoretical significance. Practically, the
study will guide policy makers of African states in their relations
with the external environment and in their domestic policy making and
implementation process to develop effective ways in its relation with
other continents of the world. Further, as no nation in Africa is static
and every generation has its own unique problems, this work will serve
as a catalyst to the present and future generations of Africa to deepen
Africa’s relations with EU knowing that we are presently in an
interdependent world.
Theoretically, this study will provide students
of international relations with new knowledge on Africa-EU relations.
The study will equally add to existing literature on Africa-EU relations
and expectedly, provoke further research on the subject matter.
1.5 Literature Review
In
this section, our primary concern is to concentrate on existing
literature in relation to the subject matter of our research questions
with a view to understanding what scholars have already written or what
have not been properly and satisfactorily addressed in the literature
concerning the discourse under investigation. In this context, the major
thrust of our review shall concentrate on:
EU-African Relations and trade.
EU-African Relations and foreign direct investment.
EU-African Relations and Trade
Anne
(2003) noted that from the EU’s perspective, one way of easing the
political tension and persuading African governments of the good
intensions of European donors would be to give a clearer sign that the
EU does indeed view the relationship with Africa as a valuable and equal
partnership rather than what many African leaders seem to think, as a
one-way stream of paternalistic charitability, thinly camouflaging
self-interested economic policies. This could be done by focusing less
on aid, and more on other factors that promote development –
particularly trade, but also migration. She further observed that while
bad governance is a hindrance to economic growth, it is also the case
that economic sluggishness is a hindrance to democracy and good
governance. There is general agreement that aid is not the best way to
create economic growth. The EU would therefore do well to focus more on
other strategies than aid in their quest to assist Africa’s development.
Greg
(2003) looking at the linkage between aid from EU and good governance
in Africa observed that most governments in Africa today have had their
leadership endorsed through some form of democratic election. Many of
them find it problematic that they then should have to follow the
standards set by outsiders rather than themselves when it comes to how
they choose to run their country. Even when the standards are very
similar to the ones that they endorse themselves, it is often seen as a
dent in their sovereign pride to have to endure others imposing these
standards in the form of demands and conditions. While it is, in
principle, entirely voluntary whether to accept conditional aid or not,
in reality most poor African countries are highly dependent on aid money
and would find it difficult .This leads us to a discussion of the
political problem of sovereignty caused by the good governance agenda of
donor states to say no. He said that in 1996, foreign aid constituted
the equivalent of 12.3 percent of GDP in Africa, if we exclude Nigeria
and South Africa.
Ian (2009) in exploring how changes within Africa
have influenced the evolution of the EU-Africa relations opines that
the beginning of the 2000s, a developmental agenda was advanced by
leading African elites aimed at revitalising Africa’s place in the
global political economy. The NEPAD, launched in 2001, was received with
considerable enthusiasm in some quarters of the developed world as an
African-led initiative that would provide the framework for promoting
development in Africa. The African Union (AU), launched in 2002,
effectively replacing the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) which had
been the premier continental organisation in Africa, was an ambitious
project, but fraught with all sorts of difficulties. It is difficult,
for example, to see how such vitally needed unity could be achieved,
given the current tensions that continue to wrack Africa. Both the AU
and the NEPAD have been launched at a time when there has been a growing
questioning of the basic neo-liberal philosophy that underpins
contemporary capitalism, frequently cast within the catch-all term
‘globalisation’.
He further infers that observers may proffer the
view that this juncture opens up space for Africa and that perhaps the
AU and the NEPAD may be vehicles to advance this. Such a commitment has
been agreed and signed by African elites themselves and there can be no
retreat. Even though the AU takes as its departure the European Union as
the ultimate end game, it must be seen as an internally originated
institution deserving of particular attention and scrutiny. In the same
vein however, its commitments need to be measured against actual
concrete action rather than accepting at face value the various
pronouncements made on extremely important issues.
On the part of
Richard (2009) the EU’s engagement with Sub-Saharan Africa have been a
characteristic of the development of the Union’s foreign, security and
defence policies since the 1990s. The EU’s policies pursued Sub-Saharan
Africa have played a key role in developing both the form of the EU’s
foreign policy infrastructure and its instruments and, crucially, in the
forms of military intervention that the EU has undertaken outside of
Europe. He argues that argues that Sub-Saharan Africa has provided a
crucial component in the evolution of an embryonic strategic culture for
the EU.
Nugent (1996) devoted a considerable part of his work to the
events that led to the formation of the EU, formerly known as the EEC.
He observed that the 1957 treaty of Rome which set up the then EEC is in
consonance with the ideas and burning desire of Europe to improve the
world economy most especially the economy of the third world. He further
discussed the politics that goes on in the EU between the more
developed and less developed member states. Britain, France, Italy, and
Germany were specifically mentioned as power brokers in the EU. Nugent’s
analysis was so much faulted because he dwelt much on the contributions
made by individual European nations towards the formation of the EEC
and failed to illustrate how the EU would help to improve the third
world economy.
Weigall and Stirk (1997) traced the origin of the EU
to the EEC, although they made no attempt to provide solutions towards
the economic problems of much of the third world. However, they offered a
very detailed analysis of the EU and how it works. The duo described
the foundation, structure and all the functions of the EU. Weigll and
Stirk also examined EU policies and resolution of trade disputes between
and among member states or any other organ of the (EU) body. The work
also reviewed the process of “dialogue and détenteâ€. The writers
observed that the European Union has become a tool in the hands of more
powerful members.
The EEC (EU) is a compromise between a weakened
original six and self-asserting latecomers. Britain falls into the later
category according to Leonard (1990). Leonard examined the composition
of the EEC and the place of each member state in it. As at the time
Leonard published his book, the EU was still known as the EEC and was
made up of twelve European nations. Leonard asserted that Britain, with
states like France, Italy, and Germany has become dominate in the EEC
and calls the shot. He also appointed out that the leadership of the
European commission and parliament has generally resided with the
original six, though the self-asserting latecomer sates have from time
to time asserted their influence. In leonard’s words, “this derives
partly from the often outstanding ability of their representatives and
their degree of organizationâ€. He posited that all EEC (EU) member
states are firmly committed to the eradication of poverty from Africa.
However, this assertion is seriously doubt and subject to debate. He
equally argued that the mere existence of the EEC has created a sense of
unity and solidarity among member states especially in international
issues, despite their very real differences.
Rodney (1972) provides
insight into how the underdevelopment of Africa and the development of
Europe are two sides of the same coin. The development of Europe he
asserts was possible because of the enormous loss of both human and
material resources of Africa to Europe. Historically, this systematic
sapping of Africa by Europe occured during the era of slavery and
colonialism down to the present neo-colonial period. He shows that the
pendulum has always swung against Africa. Thus, Africa’s
underdevelopment is diametrically related to European development. His
argument is that:
The Europeans slave trade and the overseas trade in
general had what is known as multiplier effects on Europe’s economy in a
very positive sense. This means that the benefits of foreign contacts
extends to many areas of European life not directly connected with
foreign trade…the positive was true to Africa no only on the crucial
sphere technology, but also with regard to the size and purpose of each
economy in Africa (Rodney, 1972:118).
EU-African Relations and Foreign Direct Investment
According
to Lodge (1990), the EU was out to exploit the third world while
protecting its own sphere of influence from intruders. She also observed
that the ideology behind the wide open. She finally predicted that the
Europe in the years to come become a super power. In lodge’s words, “if
Europe is defined broadly, its population, territory, wealth, and
technological prowess are clearly adequate to such a prospectâ€.
According to lodge, the economic and technological capacity to sustain a
single European super power is in place, if it could be mobilized. It
is unity, community, governance, and perhaps “will and idea†that now
falls short that will do that.
Lodge’s analysis of the EU
institutions is very incisive, being a former employee of the European
commission and of African descent. However, at some point in the work,
lodge started to sound emotional though this is understandable having
been sacked by the European commission under controversial
circumstances.
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ABSRACT - [ Total Page(s): 1 ]This study examined the European Union, EU and challenges of African development. Specifically, the study ascertained if the increasing rate of EU-African relations has increased the volume of trade between EU and Africa and secondly, ascertained if the increasing rate of EU-African relations has increased the volume of foreign direct investment from EU states to Africa. The study interrogated the following research questions. First, has the increasing rate of EU-African relations increased the ... Continue reading---
