• European Union And Challenges Of Africa’s Development: A Critical Appraisal, 1999-2010

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    • In Akinyemi’s analysis of the foreign policy of Murtala/Obasanjo regime, he went into what he referred to as the environmental background to the foreign policy system, which the regime inherited. These were the pro-western nature of Balewa’s government, experiences of The Nigerian civil war, and the reconciliatory nature of the Gowon administration. He noted that, “Murthla /Obasanjo regime had to overhaul Gowon’s foreign policy so as to justify their taking over of power especially as Gowon’s foreign policy exhibited lack of tardiness  in decision taking” (Akinyemi, 1979:153)
      Aluko (1981) surveyed Nigeria’s foreign policy initiatives with particular reference to the O. A. U. He traced Nigeria’s role in the O. A. U in the first ten years of the organization. He argued that during the first half of the period, Nigeria’s role was not commensurate with her size and economic potentials. She changed from vying for the O. A. U leadership to that of a kingmaker.
      Obasanjo and Oville (1990) observed that Nigeria’s foreign policy in the years after the unification of Europe in 1992, would take a dramatic  turn. They recounted how the 1957 treaty of Rome, which gave birth of the E. E. C. came about. The duo equally examined Nigeria’s relationship with the E. E. C. and concluded that the impact of the E. E. C on Nigeria is enormous especially as regards foreign policy.
      The authors believed that Nigeria’s economy would be on a downward trend if she does not consider her national interest in her association with the community. To really benefit maximally from the E. E. C. under the umbrella of A. C. P group of countries, Obasanjo and D. Oville advises that Nigeria should become more strong in her diplomatic bargaining.
      Discussing the alternative standards in Nigeria’s economic diplomacy, 1960-1985, Asobie (1991) noted that since 1960, successive Nigerian governments have demonstrated an appreciation of linkage between the country’s foreign policy and her economic circumstances. Asobie also looked at how this linkages was conceived and the policies deriving therefrom, however, differed, though not necessarily from regime to regime. Overall from 1960 to 1985, he pointed out three overlapping patterns or strands of strategies, which emerged in the history of Nigeria’s economic diplomacy. These, Asobie noted are:
      The diplomacy of dependent import substitution – industrialization ( I. S. I) 1960-1974
      The diplomacy of regional economic integration (R. E. I) 1970-1985, and
      the diplomacy of the establishment of a New International Economic Order (N. I. E. O) 1973-1985
      The then Nigerian Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, in appreciation of the link between Nigerian’s industrial development and her external relations formulated clearly, the classical dilemma, which confronted Nigeria at the time. He defined the problem in this way.
      At the present, we lack the necessary capital and technical skill to d3evlop our resources by ourselves alone,… How are we to o9btain help from outside and still keep free from being under the influence of one power bloc or another (Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1961:3).
      The Council of European Union (2005) examined strategies the European Union will take with Africa between now and 2015 to support African efforts to build a future. It is a strategy of the whole of the EU for the whole of Africa. It takes into account regional and country-specific needs and African countries’ national strategies. Its primary aims are the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals and the promotion of sustainable development, security and good governance, in Africa.  The strategy builds on important progress made by the Africans themselves. Its core principles are partnership based on international law and human rights, equality and mutual accountability. Its underlying philosophy is African ownership and responsibility, including working through African institutions.
      Ondrej and Philippe (2006) after bemoaning the state of the African country, appealed to the European Union to help Africa overcome its challenges. According to them, if there are still some reasons for afro-pessimism, they are nourished by worries that many countries in sub-Saharan Africa will not achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015. In fact, Africa is the only region in the world where poverty has progressed since 1990. Today, almost one African out of two lives on less than one euro a day. Two out of five do not have access to improved water supply, and the coordination of the common policy on Africa at various levels of intervention. The enlarged European Union is supposed to assist African countries in their fight against poverty. It has to keep its promise to Africans to retain credibility in their eyes.
      Sven et al (2009) examined EU and the challenges it faces with emerging new actors in the international community and the prospects for European Union development co-operation in the period up to 2020. They noted that in the past 10-15 years, the established development donors in the OECD’s Development Assistance Committee (DAC) have forged a consensus about what aid is for, where it should be best directed and how it should be managed. With the increasing salience of a variety of new actors in international development, both governmental and nongovernmental, this consensus is being challenged at a time when aid budgets are under threat and when there are other new challenges for development cooperation, not least climate change.
      Awil (2009) observed that democracy-building in Africa through the mediation of the African diaspora in Europe is not a priority on the agenda of the European Union (EU). According to him:

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    • ABSRACT - [ Total Page(s): 1 ]This study examined the European Union, EU and challenges of African development. Specifically, the study ascertained if the increasing rate of EU-African relations has increased the volume of trade between EU and Africa and secondly, ascertained if the increasing rate of EU-African relations has increased the volume of foreign direct investment from EU states to Africa. The study interrogated the following research questions. First, has the increasing rate of EU-African relations increased the ... Continue reading---