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European Union And Challenges Of Africa’s Development: A Critical Appraisal, 1999-2010
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Indeed,
it has failed even to gain the political attention of those EU member
states where diaspora organizations and institutions can be actively
mobilized in democracy-building efforts in Africa. This is primarily
because the role that African diasporas play in democracy-building on
the continent is an area which has not yet been sufficiently studied.
The lack of a solid knowledge base on the subject hinders the EU and its
member states from formulating appropriate policies that can be
translated into feasible strategic interventions and realizable actions
(Awil, 2009:3).
He goes further to state that the human resources and
strategic potential of the African diaspora in Europe have not been
sufficiently harnessed to promote and advance effective, responsible,
transparent, accountable and democratic systems of governance in Africa.
Over the past five years, the aspect that has received the most policy
attention from the EU and its member states has been the size and impact
of the financial remittances that the diasporas transfer to their
respective homelands. However, the African diasporas also transfer
non-financial values which influence the development of their homelands,
values that could make a significant contribution to improving the
situation on the continent.
He is of the view that the Joint
Africa-EU Strategic Partnership presents an opportunity for the EU, its
member states and their subsidiary development circles to align
themselves with the African diaspora.
The successful execution of the
programme will require a broad spectrum of resourceful actors and
stakeholders in development cooperation circles and beyond, both in
Africa and in Europe. There are great advantages to working with the
African diaspora as potential human agents to translate the Africa-EU
Strategic Partnership policy priorities into real outcomes. Diasporas
can contribute to democratic governance in much the same way that they
currently contribute to economic welfare and development in their home
countries. They can do so by making their knowledge, professional
experience and expertise available to strengthen the capacity of
political institutions in Africa. For the diaspora, democratic
governance is critical in creating an enabling environment in the
homelands. Creating an enabling environment in the home countries is, in
effect, a precondition for sustainable development in Africa, and for
engaging the diasporas in the overall development of their respective
home countries (Awil, 2009:3-4).
Halfdan (2010) examined the view of
EU members on New Partnership for Africa’s Development, (NEPAD).
According to him, from the outset, the EU welcomed NEPAD as an
expression of African leaders’ commitment to building democracy and
strengthening good governance. Different EU institutions, including the
EU Presidency, the EU Commission, and the European Parliament, issued
statements that expressed political support for NEPAD in different
multilateral forums, including the G8, the Tokyo International
Conference on African Development, the Africa Partnership Forum, and the
UN. At a high-level plenary meeting in 2002 on how the international
community could support NEPAD, Denmark, which then held the EU
Presidency, stated that:
the EU is a strong supporter of NEPAD and
the promise it holds for African development … The African leaders and
people have raised the stakes with the adoption of NEPAD. The
international community should be prepared to match this (Moeller,
2002:5).
Adebayo (2010) explored the scope and opportunities for
Africa to push an international governance reform agenda that will serve
its long-term interests of securing the development of the continent
and increasing Africa’s voice in the international system. In so doing,
he briefly reviewed the roots of the contemporary international
governance order, its dysfunctionalities, and the historic case for a
new international order that the countries of Africa, Asia and Latin
America made between 1960 and 1980. The study also examined the tensions
within the contemporary governance architecture, and the rise of new
important players in the international system, symbolised by the biggest
of them all, China. The growing weight of these new players is already
forcing a redistribution of power in the global order that has direct
implications for global governance.
Therefore, he noted that the
Africa-EU dialogue is taking place within a context of global change
that concerns both regions, but that neither of them solely or primarily
drives. He suggested that it is within this framework that Africa must
shape an agenda for global governance reform, which accommodates the
collective interests of the countries making up the continent. This
paper suggests that Africa’s case for reform may possess important moral
dimensions that are worth pursuing, but it also needs to build on
argument and strategy much more than morality.
Ake (1985) viewed
leadership in Africa as one of the injurious imports of the capitalist
system of production in Africa. He argued that the capitalist system of
production brought into Africa a very serious antagonism between and
among leaders in different states of Africa, and consequently upon which
there ensued crises among them.
Anene and Brown (1981) noted that
the colonialist worsen African situation by merging incompatible ethnic
nations and also went on to sensitize and fuel ethnic division and
differences so as to forestall any possible integration and unity of the
people in the state-colonies.
Vicker (1993) observes that ethnic
conflict occur as a result of colonial power’s arbitrarily drawn
frontiers following the 1884/1885 colonial partition of Africa. This
stems from the fact that most African states are but amalgamation of
different ethnic/national groups who have differences in their
historical background, cultural language, ideology and religion.
Following
literature reviewed, it appears inquiries on EU and Africa’s
development either looks at the unequal relationship between the duo or
the historical role that EU has played in the underdevelopment of the
African continent. This does not help us to understand the role of EU in
Africa’s development. Also previous studies do not allow us to see the
role trade and FDI have played in EU-African relations. These gaps in
literature are what this study seeks to bridge. Filling of these gaps
are the main objectives of this study.
1.6 Theoretical Framework
Most
academic work in international relations, especially involving Africa
and Europe are usually analysed either within dependency or
centre-periphery theory; or realist theory as the theoretical frameworks
of analyses. These frameworks are inadequate for explaining and
understanding the role of EU in Africa’s development. This is because
these frameworks are descriptive and conservative without putting into
consideration the changing nature of international politics.
Our
analysis in this study will be predicated on the complex interdependence
theory, as developed by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye. This is because
we indeed live and grow in an interdependent world. The theory recognize
that the various and complex transnational connections and
interdependencies between states and societies were increasing, while
the use of military force and power balancing are decreasing but remain
important. That cooperation between states is bringing about a decline
in the use of military force and coercive power in international
relations (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/complex_interdependence).
According
to Nye and Keohane (1977) complex interdependence is based on specific
characteristics that critique the implicit and explicit assumptions of
traditional international politics (i.e., the superiority of the state
and a hierarchy of issues with military force and power the most
important leverages in international relations, which traditionally
defines political realism in political science). Nye and Keohane, thus,
argue that the decline of military force as a policy tool and the
increase in economic and other forms of interdependenceshould increase
the probability of cooperation among states. According to Lee (2000) the
theory of complex interdependence came out of the changing world during
the 1970’s when the realist perspective on international relations was
failing to take into account many of the new aspects on interstate
relations. Although the global stage setting has continued to change
quite remarkably since the original inception of this theory into the
study of international relations, the basic principles and assumptions
of complex interdependence remain the same.
Further, these principles
serve as the basis of policy between African states and most of her
allies in the last decade, with increased emphases placed on economic
interdependence, rather than a military strategy as focused on in the
realist perspective practiced during the Cold War. The theory is not
only relevant to our analysis but enhances as stated by Okolie (2006:75)
our appreciation of cooperative actions among states and facilitates
deep understanding of global patterns of interrelationship.
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ABSRACT - [ Total Page(s): 1 ]This study examined the European Union, EU and challenges of African development. Specifically, the study ascertained if the increasing rate of EU-African relations has increased the volume of trade between EU and Africa and secondly, ascertained if the increasing rate of EU-African relations has increased the volume of foreign direct investment from EU states to Africa. The study interrogated the following research questions. First, has the increasing rate of EU-African relations increased the ... Continue reading---
